What is Nationalism? The Complete Visual Study Guide — History, Types, Theories & Cases

Master nationalism with IASNOVA's visual study guide — covering civic vs. ethnic nationalism, key thinkers like Anderson, Gellner & Fanon, and case studies from the French Revolution to Brexit, Trump's America First, and Orbán's Hungary. Built for AP History, A-Level Politics, and undergraduate students worldwide.

What is Nationalism? History, Theory & Cases Explained | IASNOVA
Atlas · 1789 N

◇ History & Political Theory · The Defining Force of the Modern World

What is Nationalism?

History · Theory & Cases Explained

From the storming of the Bastille to Brexit and beyond — an editorial atlas of the political idea that redrew the modern world. Built for serious students of history, politics, and the enduring question of how strangers come to imagine themselves as a single people.

For Students Of: Political Theory Reading Time: 36 min Updated: 2026

◇ Built for History & Politics Students Worldwide

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◇ Key Takeaways

Nationalism in 90 Seconds

  • The Definition: Nationalism is a political ideology holding that humanity is naturally divided into nations, that each nation has the right to govern itself, and that loyalty to the nation should outweigh most other political loyalties.
  • The Origin: Modern nationalism emerged in late 18th-century Europe — born of two parents: the French Revolution (1789), which created the model of the sovereign nation-state, and German Romanticism, which developed the idea of cultural-ethnic nationhood.
  • The Two Faces: Civic nationalism defines the nation as a community of citizens bound by shared values and institutions. Ethnic nationalism defines it as a community of common descent, language, or culture. Most real nationalisms blend both.
  • The Defining Theory: Benedict Anderson’s “imagined communities” (1983) — the nation as a deep horizontal comradeship imagined into being through shared print culture, even among people who will never meet.
  • The Great Cases: The French and American Revolutions, German and Italian unifications of 1871/1861, post-colonial nationalisms across Asia and Africa, and the contemporary populist resurgence from Brexit onwards.
  • The Moral Question: Nationalism has produced both democratic emancipation and catastrophic violence — making it one of the most morally contested political forces of the modern age.
  • Why It Still Matters: A century after its supposed obsolescence in a globalising world, nationalism has returned as the defining political question of the 21st century.

The Idea That Made the Modern World

For most of human history, ordinary people did not think of themselves as belonging to a “nation.” They were subjects of kings, members of villages, faithful of churches, residents of regions. The idea that millions of strangers spread across a vast territory could be a single people — sharing a common destiny and entitled to govern themselves as one — is barely two hundred and fifty years old. In that brief span, it has redrawn nearly every border on earth.

Nationalism is at once the most powerful and the most contested political force of modernity. It built democracies and toppled tyrants; it also fuelled the deadliest wars in human history. It liberated colonies and oppressed minorities. It can sound like Lincoln at Gettysburg and like the worst demagogues of the 20th century. To understand nationalism is to grapple with a political idea whose moral character depends entirely on what kind of nationalism it is, and whose grip on the modern imagination has refused to loosen despite a century of predictions that it would.

◇ Featured Definition

Nationalism is a political ideology and movement built on three interlocking claims: (1) that humanity is naturally divided into distinct nations defined by some combination of language, culture, history, or territory; (2) that each nation has the right and the duty to govern itself — the principle of national self-determination; and (3) that loyalty to the nation should override most other political loyalties. Born in late 18th-century Europe, nationalism has become the default form of political community across the modern world.

Three vocabulary distinctions are worth getting straight from the start. A nation is a community of people who imagine themselves to share something — language, history, culture, fate — that binds them together. A state is a political organisation with effective sovereignty over a defined territory. A nation-state is the modern ideal in which the two coincide: a state that governs a single nation. Nationalism is the ideology that asserts they ought to coincide — which is why it has been so revolutionary, and so disruptive, wherever existing borders fail to match imagined nations.

From Natio to the Nation-State

The word “nation” is far older than nationalism, but the political idea that turned it into the organising principle of modern politics is a child of the late 18th century. Two events in two countries — a revolution in Paris and a philosophical movement in the German lands — gave nationalism its twin founding traditions.

The word nation comes from the Latin natio, meaning “birth” or “people born together” — derived from nasci, “to be born.” For most of European history, however, it carried no specifically political meaning. In medieval universities, students from the same region were grouped into “nations” for administrative purposes; for traveling merchants and ambassadors, “nation” simply meant origin. The vast majority of people had no political identity beyond their village, lord, or sovereign. They did not think of themselves as French or English or German in any politically meaningful sense.

◇ The Founding Moment — Paris, 1789

Modern nationalism was born in the French Revolution (1789). In a single decisive turn, subjects of the King of France became citizens of the French nation. Sovereignty no longer flowed downward from God through a monarch; it now resided in the nation itself, exercised by its citizens. The 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen proclaimed: “The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation.” Within a few years, France was at war, and the rallying cry was no longer loyalty to the king but devotion to la patrie en danger — “the homeland in danger.” A new political community had been imagined into existence.

Across the Rhine, a different kind of nationalism was being born — not in the streets but in the studies of German Romantic thinkers. While the French model emphasised citizenship and political will, the German tradition emphasised culture, language, and the spirit of the people. Johann Gottfried Herder argued that each people had its own unique Volksgeist (“national spirit”) expressed in its language, folklore, and history. Fichte’s Addresses to the German Nation (1808), delivered while Berlin was under Napoleonic occupation, called Germans to recognise themselves as a single cultural people — even though they were politically divided into dozens of states. From these twin sources — French civic and German cultural — modern nationalism took shape.

◇ Why the Late 18th Century?

Nationalism could only emerge once several conditions had ripened together. The printing press and rising literacy made it possible for millions of people to read the same texts in the same language and imagine themselves as one. The decline of religious authority after the Reformation and the Enlightenment opened space for new forms of collective identity. The centralising state standardised languages, taxes, and education. The Enlightenment made popular sovereignty intellectually respectable. And the French Revolution demonstrated that the people, organised as a nation, could overthrow even the most ancient monarchies. Within decades, the idea was spreading across Europe and beyond.

The Long Nineteenth Century of the Nation

Once nationalism appeared, it spread with extraordinary speed. The “long nineteenth century” — from the French Revolution to the First World War — was the great age of national movements, unifications, and independence struggles. By 1914, Europe had been redrawn around the principle of nationality.

The first wave came during the Napoleonic period (1799–1815). As French armies swept across Europe carrying the revolutionary ideal of the nation, they provoked nationalist backlash everywhere they went. In Spain, Italy, Germany, and the Habsburg lands, occupation by a foreign nation taught people they were a nation too. The Wars of Liberation against Napoleon were among the first explicitly nationalist conflicts in history.

The second wave was the Revolutions of 1848, often called the “Springtime of Peoples.” From Paris to Vienna, Budapest to Berlin, liberal and nationalist revolutionaries demanded constitutions and national self-determination. Most of these revolutions failed in the short run, but they planted seeds that would mature into the great unifications of the next generation: Italian unification in 1861 under Cavour and Garibaldi, and German unification in 1871 under Bismarck.

◇ The Defining Question

Why did nationalism succeed in becoming the default form of political community across the modern world, when so many other identities — religion, class, region, dynasty — competed for the same loyalty?

Theorists have offered different answers. Ernest Gellner argued that industrial society itself required it: only nations could provide the standardised education, mass culture, and shared communication that modern economies demand. Benedict Anderson stressed print capitalism — newspapers and novels in vernacular languages allowed millions of strangers to imagine themselves as a community.

Eric Hobsbawm emphasised the deliberate work of “invented traditions” — flags, anthems, public ceremonies, school curricula — through which states forged populations into nations from above. Whatever the mechanism, the outcome is the same: by the end of the 19th century, nationalism had become so naturalised that it felt timeless — even though, historically speaking, it was almost brand new.

The third wave came in the 20th century. The collapse of multinational empires after the First World War (the Habsburg, Ottoman, Romanov, and German empires) produced a flurry of new nation-states across central and eastern Europe. After 1945, the decolonisation of Asia and Africa multiplied the world’s nation-states many times over, as nationalist movements drove out the European empires. By the end of the 20th century, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the world had been almost entirely reorganised on the nationalist template — though often with terrible violence at the seams.

The Core Features of Nationalism

Nationalism is best understood not as a single doctrine but as a cluster of interlocking commitments. Different nationalisms emphasise different features — but most assemble several of them into a recognisable family of political claims.

Feature 01

The Nation as Natural

Humanity is divided into nations — peoples sharing language, culture, history, or descent. The nation is presented as the natural, primary unit of human society, not just one identity among many.

Feature 02

National Self-Determination

Each nation has the right — and indeed the moral duty — to govern itself. Foreign rule, multinational empires, and imposed states are illegitimate. One nation, one state.

Feature 03

Loyalty to the Nation

National identity is the supreme political loyalty, ranking above region, religion, class, or family. Conflicts of loyalty are resolved in favour of the nation.

Feature 04

Shared Common Identity

The nation rests on something held in common — language, history, culture, religion, ancestry, or political values. What this “something” is varies by nationalism, but its presence is non-negotiable.

Feature 05

The Sovereign Nation-State

The proper political form for the nation is the sovereign state. Borders should ideally match nations; nations should ideally control their own affairs without external interference.

Feature 06

Imagined Community

The nation is imagined as a deep horizontal comradeship, even though most members will never meet. Anderson’s key insight: it is real because it is believed, not despite being constructed.

Feature 07

Historical Continuity

Nationalists narrate the nation as a continuous community stretching back through history — even when, as historians often show, the continuity is partly invented or selectively remembered.

Feature 08

Symbols & Rituals

Flags, anthems, monuments, holidays, public ceremonies, school curricula — the everyday iconography of the nation that turns abstract belonging into emotional commitment.

Feature 09

Distinction from Others

Every nation defines itself partly against other nations. Identity always implies difference. Whether this difference is benign (varieties of culture) or hostile (us vs them) varies dramatically.

◇ A Crucial Caution

The same features can produce very different politics. A nationalism that emphasises civic belonging, democratic self-government, and pluralism within the nation looks very different from one that emphasises ethnic descent, cultural purity, and the exclusion of minorities. The question is never simply “is this nationalism?” but “what kind of nationalism is this?” — a question we turn to next.

Civic vs. Ethnic Nationalism

The most important distinction in the study of nationalism — and the one with the deepest political consequences — is between civic and ethnic conceptions of the nation. The distinction is not perfectly clean (most nationalisms mix the two), but it remains the starting point of nearly every serious analysis.

◇ Conception 1 · The Political Nation

Civic Nationalism

Defines the nation as a community of citizens bound by shared political values, institutions, and a willingness to live together — regardless of ancestry, language, or religion.

  • Membership is chosen — anyone embracing the values can belong
  • Identity rests on citizenship, not on descent
  • Associated with the French Revolution and the American Founding
  • Renan: a nation is “a daily plebiscite” — a continuing choice to live together
  • Compatible with multicultural and pluralist societies
  • Tends toward inclusive, though not always in practice

◇ Conception 2 · The Cultural Nation

Ethnic Nationalism

Defines the nation as a community of descent, bound by shared blood, language, religion, or culture. Membership is inherited, not chosen — you are born into the nation or you are not.

  • Membership is ascribed — based on birth, descent, or culture
  • Identity rests on ethnos, not on consent
  • Associated with the German Romantic tradition (Herder, Fichte)
  • Centred on the Volk, a deep cultural community
  • Tends toward exclusive — minorities are problematic
  • Can shade into exclusionary or supremacist nationalism

◇ Hans Kohn’s Classic Formulation

The civic/ethnic distinction was given its most influential form by the historian Hans Kohn in The Idea of Nationalism (1944). Kohn proposed a broadly geographic divide: a “Western” tradition (Britain, France, the US, the Netherlands) where nationalism emerged within already-existing states and emphasised political values, and an “Eastern” tradition (Germany, Central and Eastern Europe) where nationalism preceded the state and had to define the nation in cultural-ethnic terms first. While historians have qualified Kohn’s geographic neatness, the typology has shaped the field ever since.

◇ The Honest Caveat

The civic/ethnic distinction is analytically useful but politically slippery. Almost every self-described civic nationalism contains ethnic assumptions just beneath the surface — about which language is “the” language, which history is “our” history, which culture is the default. The French civic ideal historically required strong cultural assimilation; American civic nationalism long excluded Black, Asian, and Native peoples from full citizenship. Conversely, ethnic nationalisms can develop civic features over time. Most real nationalisms are hybrids on a spectrum — and asking where on the spectrum a particular nationalism falls is often more useful than placing it in a category.

The Major Theories of Nationalism

Why do nations exist? Are they ancient or modern? Discovered or invented? These questions have produced one of the most vibrant debates in the social sciences. Four major theoretical positions dominate the field — each offering a different answer to the puzzle of how strangers come to imagine themselves as a single people.

Four Theories of Nationhood

The Great Debate: Where Do Nations Come From?

01

Primordialism

Shils · Geertz · van den Berghe

Nations are ancient, rooted in deep primordial ties of kinship, language and shared origin. National identity feels natural because it is — extending real evolutionary and cultural bonds.

02

Modernism

Gellner · Anderson · Hobsbawm

Nations are modern inventions, products of industrialisation, print capitalism, mass education, and state-building. Before about 1789, they did not exist in any meaningful sense.

03

Ethno-symbolism

Anthony D. Smith

Nations are modern, but they build on pre-modern ethnic cores (“ethnies”) — myths, memories, symbols, traditions. Not invented from nothing, not eternal either.

04

Constructivism

Brubaker · Calhoun

Nations are continually constructed through practices, discourse, and institutional categories. The question is not “what is the nation?” but “how is it being made?”

◇ Theory 1 · Primordialism

Primordialism holds that nations rest on ancient, deep-rooted ties — what Edward Shils called “primordial attachments” and Clifford Geertz called the “givens” of social existence: blood, language, region, religion. National feeling is so powerful, primordialists argue, because it taps into something genuinely old and genuinely felt — not a recent invention but an extension of kinship into politics. This position has fallen out of academic favour but remains close to how many nationalists themselves understand their nations.

◇ Theory 2 · Modernism (The Dominant Academic View)

Modernism is the dominant academic position. Nations are products of modernity — they did not exist in any politically meaningful sense before the late 18th century. Ernest Gellner argued that industrialisation required a homogeneous, literate population sharing a single high culture — and the nation-state was the political form that delivered this. Benedict Anderson emphasised print capitalism: mass-produced newspapers and novels in vernacular languages allowed dispersed strangers to imagine themselves as a single community. Eric Hobsbawm stressed the deliberate “invention of traditions” — anthems, flags, ceremonies, school histories — through which states forged populations into nations from above.

◇ Theory 3 · Ethno-symbolism

Anthony D. Smith’s ethno-symbolism is the most influential middle position. Smith agreed that modern nations are modern — they involve state structures, mass politics, and shared public cultures that did not exist before the 18th century. But, he argued, modern nations build on pre-modern foundations: ethnic communities (“ethnies”) with their own myths, memories, symbols, and traditions stretching back centuries. Nations are not invented from nothing; they are constructed from inherited materials. Why does French national identity feel so French? Because there really is a long ethno-cultural history that nationalist movements draw on — without being trapped by it.

◇ Theory 4 · Constructivism / “Nationalism Without Groups”

The most recent influential position, associated above all with Rogers Brubaker, shifts the question itself. Instead of asking “what is a nation?” — which assumes nations are bounded, fixed things — constructivists ask “how is national-ness being produced?”. The nation is a category of practice, a way of seeing and organising the world, that is continually enacted through institutions, censuses, passports, school curricula, media, and everyday talk. Nations don’t exist the way mountains exist; they exist the way games exist — through being played.

The Major Thinkers

Nationalism has been theorised from both inside and outside — by thinkers who championed particular national movements, and by scholars who took the phenomenon itself as their object of study. The eight figures below have shaped how we understand nationalism today.

Founder · Cultural Nationalism

Johann Gottfried Herder

1744–1803 · Germany

The intellectual founder of cultural nationalism. Argued that each people possesses a unique Volksgeist (“national spirit”) expressed in its language, folklore, and history. Each nation is a distinct cultural organism with its own value.

Founder · Civic Nationalism

Ernest Renan

1823–1892 · France

Author of the classic essay “What is a Nation?” (1882). Defined the nation as a “daily plebiscite” — a continuing choice to live together — and rejected ethnic and linguistic determinism. The civic conception’s most eloquent statement.

Modernist Theorist

Ernest Gellner

1925–1995 · Czech/British

Author of Nations and Nationalism (1983). Argued that nationalism is a product of industrial society‘s need for a mobile, literate population sharing one high culture. Nations are made by nationalism, not the other way around.

Imagined Communities

Benedict Anderson

1936–2015 · Ireland/USA

Author of Imagined Communities (1983) — perhaps the most influential book ever written on nationalism. Defined the nation as an “imagined political community” made possible by print capitalism in vernacular languages.

Ethno-symbolism

Anthony D. Smith

1939–2016 · UK

The leading ethno-symbolist. Argued that modern nations are built on pre-modern ethnic cores — the myths, memories, symbols and traditions of pre-existing communities. Author of The Ethnic Origins of Nations (1986).

Invented Traditions

Eric Hobsbawm

1917–2012 · UK

Marxist historian. Co-edited The Invention of Tradition (1983) and wrote Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 (1990). Showed how many supposedly ancient national traditions were deliberately invented in the 19th century.

Nationalism as Doctrine

Elie Kedourie

1926–1992 · UK

Author of Nationalism (1960). Argued that nationalism was a specific doctrine invented in Europe around 1800 — drawing on Kant, Fichte and German Romanticism — and then exported to the rest of the world.

Nationalism Without Groups

Rogers Brubaker

b. 1956 · USA

Constructivist sociologist. Author of Nationalism Reframed (1996) and Ethnicity Without Groups (2004). Shifted the focus from “what nations are” to “how national-ness is enacted” through everyday practices and state categories.

◇ Why These Thinkers Disagree

The disagreements among these thinkers are not just academic — they have real political consequences. If you believe nations are primordial (deep, real, ancient), you will tend to defend their integrity and view minorities skeptically. If you believe nations are modern inventions (constructed, recent, malleable), you will be more open to civic and pluralist arrangements. If you believe nations are continually enacted (Brubaker), you will pay close attention to how state policies actively produce identities. The theoretical question is, ultimately, a moral and political one too.

Nationalism in History

Theory comes alive only in cases. Six classic episodes show how nationalism has worked — and how differently it has worked — across two centuries of modern history.

🇫🇷 The Prototype · 1789

The French Revolution

The civic nation is born

The French Revolution invented the model of the sovereign nation. The 1789 Declaration proclaimed sovereignty in the nation itself; mass conscription (levée en masse, 1793) turned subjects into citizen-soldiers; revolutionary France standardised the French language and built mass national institutions. “The patrie in danger” replaced loyalty to the king as the supreme call. The model would inspire — and threaten — every European monarchy for the next century.

Civic Model Levée en Masse Popular Sovereignty

🇺🇸 The Republican Variant · 1776

The American Founding

The republican civic nation

American nationalism took shape around republican political values — liberty, equality, self-government, the Constitution. In its civic ideal, membership rested on shared political commitments rather than common descent. Yet from the start, this ideal coexisted with deep ethnic exclusions — slavery, Native dispossession, immigration restrictions, racial citizenship. The history of American nationalism is in large part the history of struggle over which Americans count as fully American.

Constitutionalism Civic Creed Contested Inclusion

🇩🇪 Cultural to Political · 1871

German Unification

From Volk to Reich

For most of modern history, “Germany” was a cultural and linguistic community, not a political one — dozens of states sharing a language and tradition. The 1871 unification under Bismarck and Prussian leadership turned this cultural nation into a political one, by war and statecraft. German nationalism’s emphasis on Volk, language and culture made it the classic case of the ethnic-cultural model — with consequences both glorious (great German culture) and catastrophic (the 20th century).

Volk Cultural Model Bismarck

🇮🇹 Risorgimento · 1861

Italian Unification

Making Italians

Italy was unified by 1861 through the combined efforts of Cavour, Garibaldi and Mazzini. But as the politician Massimo d’Azeglio reportedly remarked: “We have made Italy; now we must make Italians.” The phrase captures one of the great truths about modern nationalism — that nation-building is a deliberate political project that follows the founding of the state, not a pre-existing reality the state merely expresses. Schools, conscription, infrastructure, and standardised Italian gradually turned subjects of the new kingdom into Italians.

Risorgimento Nation-Building Garibaldi

🌍 Anti-Colonial · 1945–1975

Post-Colonial Nationalism

From empire to nation

After 1945, nationalist movements across Asia and Africa drove European empires out, dramatically multiplying the world’s nation-states. India (1947), Indonesia (1949), Ghana (1957), Algeria (1962), Vietnam — each followed its own path, but all shared a common move: turning colonial subjects into national citizens. Anti-colonial nationalism was often civic in inspiration (one nation embracing colonial diversity) but had to wrestle with the imperial borders it inherited.

Decolonisation Self-Determination New Nation-States

🇪🇺 The Resurgence · 2016–

Contemporary Populist Nationalism

Brexit and beyond

After decades when intellectuals predicted that globalisation would dissolve nationalism, the 21st century has seen an emphatic nationalist resurgence. Brexit (2016) reasserted British national sovereignty against the European Union. The Trump presidency made “America First” official US policy. Nationalist parties have surged across Europe — and assertive nationalism defines the politics of Russia, China, India, Turkey, and beyond. The “post-national” world predicted in the 1990s has not arrived.

Brexit Populism Sovereignty Backlash

Nationalism vs. Patriotism

Few political distinctions are more contested — or more important — than the line between nationalism and patriotism. The words are often used interchangeably in everyday speech, but careful thinkers from George Orwell onward have insisted the distinction matters.

◇ Concept 1 · The Attachment

Patriotism

An emotional attachment to one’s country, its land, its people, its institutions — without necessarily any specific political programme. Patriotism is fundamentally defensive and devoted to a particular place.

  • Love of one’s own country; need not involve hostility to others
  • Defensive — content to protect and improve the homeland
  • Compatible with many political views and identities
  • Need not require the country to dominate or expand
  • Often quietist; rarely a programme of political action
  • Can be felt even by those who disagree about politics

◇ Concept 2 · The Ideology

Nationalism

An ideology and political programme built on patriotic attachment plus specific claims: that the nation is supreme, that it should govern itself, that loyalty to it overrides most rivals. Nationalism is competitive and tied to power.

  • Claims the nation’s political supremacy over rivals
  • Competitive — nations are ranked, compared, defended against
  • Inseparable from politics and from the state
  • Often expansive — seeks to enlarge or assert national power
  • An active programme; demands political action
  • Sets the nation above class, region, religion, individual

◇ Orwell’s Classic Distinction

George Orwell drew the most influential line between the two in his 1945 essay “Notes on Nationalism.” Patriotism, he wrote, is “devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has no wish to force on other people” — fundamentally defensive. Nationalism, by contrast, “is inseparable from the desire for power” — the conviction that one’s own unit must be promoted, expanded, and asserted against others. Orwell’s distinction is not always tidy in practice, but it remains the starting point of serious thinking on the issue.

◇ Why The Distinction is Contested

Critics argue the patriotism/nationalism distinction is often a rhetorical rather than substantive one — “my country-love is patriotism; yours is nationalism.” Defenders reply that the difference is real even if blurry: patriots can support universal values and check their country’s wrongs; nationalists subordinate everything to their nation’s power and glory. Most serious thinkers accept some distinction but caution against treating it as clean — most real political feeling about country mixes both elements in varying proportions.

Nationalism in the 21st Century

In the 1990s, with the Cold War over and globalisation accelerating, many serious commentators predicted that nationalism was an exhausted force — soon to be eclipsed by supranational governance, cosmopolitan identities, and borderless commerce. The 21st century has emphatically demonstrated otherwise.

Application 1

The Sovereignty Backlash

From Brexit (2016) to “America First,” from Marine Le Pen to Giorgia Meloni, much 21st-century politics has been driven by a backlash against globalised, supranational governance and a reassertion of national sovereignty. The European Union, NAFTA, the WTO and the UN have all faced nationalist challenges.

Application 2

Migration and Identity

Large-scale migration — particularly into Western Europe and the United States since the 1990s — has produced sharp identity conflicts and fuelled nationalist parties across the democratic world. Debates over who belongs to the nation have become central to mainstream politics in ways unimaginable a generation ago.

Application 3

Great Power Nationalism

The great powers themselves have grown more nationalist. Putin’s Russia, Xi’s China, Modi’s India, Erdogan’s Turkey — each pursues a politics of national strength, civilisational pride, and assertion against perceived Western dominance. The “end of history” envisioned in 1989 has given way to a new age of national assertiveness.

Application 4

Liberal Nationalisms

Not all 21st-century nationalism is right-populist. Scholars like David Miller and Yael Tamir have developed liberal nationalist arguments — that democratic solidarity, redistributive welfare, and political community all depend on a shared national identity, and that progressives should reclaim the nation rather than abandon it to the far right.

◇ Why the Resurgence?

Scholars have offered several converging explanations. The 2008 financial crisis discredited the established globalist economic consensus. Large-scale migration produced cultural anxieties and political backlash. Rising inequality and the decline of stable industrial work in the West created fertile ground for grievance politics. Social media enabled new forms of mass mobilisation around national symbols. And the perceived failures of supranational governance — most visibly the European Union during the Eurozone crisis — gave nationalists a credible target. Whether the resurgence will be a long phase or a passing turn is one of the major political questions of our age.

The Great Debates

The study of nationalism is itself a battlefield of competing positions. The deepest questions remain genuinely open — and engaging with them is part of what distinguishes serious historical and political analysis from rote learning.

Debate 1 · Origins

Ancient or Modern?

The most fundamental dispute. Modernists (Gellner, Anderson, Hobsbawm) insist nations are products of the modern era, invented after 1789. Primordialists and ethno-symbolists (Smith) see deep pre-modern roots. The disagreement isn’t just historical — it shapes how we judge nationalism’s legitimacy and durability.

Debate 2 · Moral Character

Force for Good or Evil?

Nationalism has driven both democratic revolutions and fascist atrocities, both anti-colonial liberation and ethnic cleansing. Is it inherently dangerous or neutral in itself? Critics emphasise its exclusionary potential; defenders insist that liberal civic nationalism remains compatible with democracy, pluralism, and even cosmopolitan responsibility.

Debate 3 · Civic vs Ethnic

Can the Distinction Hold?

Critics argue the civic/ethnic distinction is too neat — that all “civic” nationalisms contain hidden ethnic assumptions, and that ethnic nationalisms can develop civic features over time. Others insist the difference, however blurry, is morally and politically real and worth preserving.

Debate 4 · Globalisation

Outdated or Resurgent?

The cosmopolitan thesis predicted nationalism’s decline; the 21st century has proved otherwise. The new debate: is the nationalist resurgence a passing reaction to specific 21st-century shocks, or a structural return after a brief unipolar interlude in the 1990s and 2000s?

Debate 5 · Liberalism’s Need

Does Democracy Need Nations?

Liberal nationalists (David Miller, Yael Tamir) argue that democracy, welfare, and political solidarity all depend on a shared national identity — and that progressives need to reclaim it. Cosmopolitan critics reply that genuine universal values cannot be hostage to particular nations. The debate cuts across the political spectrum.

Debate 6 · The Right to Nationhood

Who Gets a Nation?

The principle of national self-determination is universally praised — but applying it is fraught. Which groups count as nations? Catalans, Scots, Kurds, Palestinians, Tibetans? Self-determination for one group can mean denial for another. The principle that legitimised most modern states cannot be coherently extended to all who claim it.

The Memory Device

A compact mnemonic for locking in the core features of nationalism — for rapid recall under exam pressure.

◇ The Six Pillars of Nationalism

NATION

N

Natural
Community

A

Autonomy
(Self-Determination)

T

Top
Loyalty

I

Imagined
Bond

O

Own
State

N

Narrated
Continuity

◇ For the Civic / Ethnic Distinction

Remember: Civic = Chosen, Ethnic = Inherited. The civic nation is a community of citizens who choose to live together (Renan: “a daily plebiscite”). The ethnic nation is a community of descent into which one is born (Herder: the Volk). Most real nationalisms blend both — but knowing which way a particular nationalism leans tells you a great deal about how it will treat minorities, migrants, and dissenters.

◇ And the One-Sentence Definition

If you remember nothing else, remember Benedict Anderson’s: a nation is “an imagined political community — imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.” Imagined (because most members never meet), limited (every nation has borders beyond which lie other nations), sovereign (entitled to govern itself), community (felt as a deep horizontal comradeship despite all inequalities). One sentence; the whole field.

Revision Summary

◇ The Fifteen Essentials

Nationalism in 15 Points

  • Origin of Term: From Latin natio (“birth, people born together”); modern political meaning emerges only in late 18th century.
  • Founding Moment: The French Revolution (1789) transformed royal subjects into national citizens and located sovereignty in the nation itself.
  • Twin Origins: French civic nationalism (citizenship, political values) and German Romantic cultural nationalism (Volksgeist, language, descent) — two parents of all modern nationalism.
  • Three Core Claims: humanity divided into nations + each nation entitled to self-government + national loyalty supreme.
  • Nation vs State vs Nation-State: Nation = imagined community; State = political organisation with sovereignty; Nation-State = the ideal of their coincidence.
  • Civic Nationalism: The nation as community of citizens bound by shared political values — Renan’s “daily plebiscite.” Membership chosen.
  • Ethnic Nationalism: The nation as community of descent, language, culture — Herder’s Volk. Membership inherited.
  • Kohn’s Typology: Hans Kohn distinguished “Western” civic and “Eastern” ethnic nationalisms — influential, though historians have qualified the geographic neatness.
  • Anderson’s Definition: The nation as “imagined political community — imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.” Print capitalism made the imagining possible.
  • Gellner’s Theory: Nationalism is a product of industrial society‘s need for a literate, mobile, culturally homogeneous population.
  • Hobsbawm’s “Invented Traditions”: Many “ancient” national customs (anthems, ceremonies, flags) were deliberately invented in the 19th century.
  • Smith’s Ethno-symbolism: Modern nations build on pre-modern ethnic cores — myths, memories, symbols — not invented from nothing.
  • Great Cases: French Revolution (civic), American Founding (republican-civic), German unification 1871 (ethnic-cultural), Italian Risorgimento 1861, post-colonial nationalisms (1945–75), 21st-century resurgence.
  • vs Patriotism: Orwell — patriotism is defensive devotion to a place; nationalism is competitive desire for one’s nation’s power.
  • The 21st-Century Resurgence: Brexit, Trump, Modi, Putin, Erdogan, Xi — globalisation, migration, the 2008 crisis, and supranational backlash have brought nationalism back to the political centre worldwide.

Common Exam Questions Answered

Nationalism is a political ideology and movement that holds that the nation — a group of people sharing some combination of language, culture, history, or territory — is the natural and proper unit of political loyalty. Three core claims define it: (1) that humanity is naturally divided into nations; (2) that each nation has the right to govern itself (the principle of national self-determination); and (3) that loyalty to the nation should override most other political loyalties, including class, region, religion, or family. It emerged as a coherent ideology in late 18th-century Europe — in the French Revolution and in German Romantic philosophy — and has become one of the most powerful political forces of the modern world.
Most historians locate the origins of modern nationalism in late 18th-century Europe, with two key catalysts. (1) The French Revolution of 1789 transformed subjects of a king into citizens of a nation, located sovereignty in the nation itself, and created the model of the politically sovereign nation-state. (2) At the same time, in the German lands, Johann Gottfried Herder and the Romantic philosophers articulated cultural nationalism — the idea that each people has its own distinctive Volksgeist (“national spirit”) expressed in language, folklore, and tradition. From these twin sources — French civic and German cultural — nationalism spread across Europe and then the world over the next two centuries, eventually reorganising almost every border on earth around the principle of nationhood.
Civic nationalism defines the nation as a community of citizens who share political values, institutions, and a commitment to live together — membership is open in principle to anyone who embraces those values, regardless of ancestry. The French and American revolutionary traditions are classic examples; Ernest Renan’s famous formula was that a nation is “a daily plebiscite.” Ethnic nationalism defines the nation as a community of common descent, language, religion, or culture — membership is inherited rather than chosen, and you are born into the nation or you are not. The German Romantic tradition is the classic example. Most real-world nationalisms mix elements of both, and scholars debate how cleanly the categories can be separated in practice. The honest analytical position is to ask where on the civic-ethnic spectrum a particular nationalism falls — not to treat the distinction as a clean binary.
Patriotism is love of and loyalty to one’s country — an emotional attachment to a place, its people, and its way of life — that need not involve any particular political ideology. Nationalism is an ideology that adds specific political claims to that attachment: that the nation is the supreme political community, that it should govern itself, that national loyalty trumps most other loyalties, and that the nation’s power and standing should be advanced. George Orwell drew the classic distinction in his 1945 essay “Notes on Nationalism”: patriotism is defensive and devoted to a particular place (“one believes it to be the best in the world but has no wish to force it on others”); nationalism is competitive and inseparable from the desire for power. In practice, the two often blend — but the distinction remains worth preserving, because it captures real differences in how attachment to country translates into political action.
“Imagined communities” is the famous concept introduced by Benedict Anderson in his 1983 book of the same name — perhaps the most influential book ever written on nationalism. Anderson defined the nation as “an imagined political community — and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.” It is imagined because members of even the smallest nation will never meet most of their fellow members, yet they hold an image of their communion in their minds. It is limited because every nation has finite, even if elastic, boundaries beyond which lie other nations — no nationalist imagines all humanity as one nation. It is sovereign because the concept was born in an age when the legitimacy of divinely-ordained dynastic realms was collapsing. And it is a community because, regardless of inequality and exploitation within, the nation is conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Anderson argued that print capitalism — newspapers and novels in vernacular languages — made this imagining possible by allowing millions of strangers to share the same daily mental life.
Scholars and political theorists disagree sharply, because nationalism has historically produced both democratic emancipation and catastrophic violence. On the positive side: nationalism fuelled struggles against multinational empires and dictatorships, built solidarity that made mass democracy and welfare states possible, gave subjugated peoples voice and dignity in the age of decolonisation, and remains in some thinkers’ view (Miller, Tamir) the necessary foundation for democratic citizenship and redistributive politics. On the negative side: nationalism has driven wars of conquest, ethnic cleansing, exclusion and persecution of minorities, and provided the framework within which fascism, Nazism, and other authoritarian movements operated. Most serious thinkers reject both pure celebration and pure condemnation, arguing instead that nationalism’s moral character depends on the kind it is: civic or ethnic, inclusive or exclusionary, democratic or authoritarian, defensive or expansionist. The honest answer is “it depends on which nationalism.”
Several converging conditions made the 19th century the great age of nationalism. (1) The French Revolutionary model demonstrated that the nation could replace the king as the sovereign, and Napoleonic armies carried this model — and provoked nationalist responses — across Europe. (2) Industrialisation, as Gellner argued, required a literate, mobile, culturally homogeneous workforce — and the nation-state was the political form best suited to producing it. (3) Print capitalism, as Anderson stressed, allowed millions of strangers to imagine themselves as a single community by reading the same newspapers and novels in vernacular languages. (4) Mass education and conscription turned subjects into citizens with shared experiences and national consciousness. (5) The collapse of older legitimating frameworks — divine-right monarchy, religious universalism — opened space for new collective identities. (6) Romantic intellectuals across Europe deliberately collected folklore, codified languages, and wrote national histories. By 1914, Europe had been almost entirely redrawn around the nationalist principle.
Several converging forces have driven the 21st-century nationalist resurgence after a brief post-Cold-War interlude when many predicted nationalism’s decline. (1) The backlash against globalisation — its uneven economic effects, its perceived erosion of national sovereignty, and the dislocation of stable industrial work in the West. (2) The 2008 financial crisis discredited established globalist elites and economic orthodoxies. (3) Large-scale migration, particularly into Europe and the US, triggered cultural anxieties and identity conflicts. (4) Social media enabled new forms of mass mobilisation around national symbols and grievances. (5) Perceived failures of supranational projects, most visibly the European Union during the Eurozone and refugee crises, created openings for nationalist alternatives. (6) Great power assertion by Russia, China, India, Turkey and others reshaped the international order around national interests. Brexit (2016), the Trump phenomenon, the rise of nationalist parties across Europe, and assertive nationalism in major non-Western powers are all expressions of this broader trend — which most serious analysts now expect to be durable rather than transient.
The relationship is deeply ambiguous — historically intimate, but politically variable. On one hand, modern democracy and modern nationalism were born together in the French Revolution: popular sovereignty made sense only if there was a “people” to be sovereign, and the nation supplied that people. Many of the great democratic struggles of the 19th and 20th centuries — from European liberal nationalism to anti-colonial movements — were simultaneously democratic and nationalist. Liberal nationalists like David Miller and Yael Tamir argue that democracy, welfare politics, and redistributive solidarity all require a shared national identity strong enough to make citizens accept obligations toward one another. On the other hand, nationalism has frequently turned against democracy — fuelling fascism, ethnic cleansing, minority exclusion, and authoritarian populism. The honest verdict: democracy probably needs some form of national community to function, but the kind of nationalism matters enormously. Civic, pluralist, liberal nationalism can support democracy; ethnic, exclusionary nationalism often undermines it.
The disagreement reflects genuinely different ways of weighing the historical evidence — and it carries real political stakes. Modernists (Gellner, Anderson, Hobsbawm, Kedourie) emphasise the dramatic transformations of the late 18th and 19th centuries: industrialisation, print capitalism, mass literacy, the conscript army, the national school system. Before about 1789, they argue, ordinary people did not think of themselves as belonging to nations in any politically meaningful sense — they were subjects of kings, members of villages, faithful of churches. Nationalism created nations, not the other way around. Ethno-symbolists (Anthony D. Smith) reply that this account underestimates the deep ethnic, cultural, and religious continuities on which modern nations were built — the myths, memories, languages, and symbols that did not appear from nowhere in 1789. Primordialists push even further, arguing that national feeling taps into ancient kinship and cultural bonds. The stakes: if nations are ancient, they are deeper, more legitimate, and harder to change; if they are modern, they are constructed, contingent, and more malleable. Most contemporary scholars accept some version of the ethno-symbolist middle position — modern nations as new political forms built on older cultural materials.
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IAS NOVA Editorial Team
IAS NOVA Editorial Team
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